Ocotber
10, 1888 – Wednesday evening -Temperance Excursion Train Disaster at Mud Run: “A
name of terror for all time.”
The most costly wreck in early Pennsylvania and
Lehigh Valley Railroad history took roughly sixty lives. The passengers had attended a Temperance Parade
in Hazleton earlier that day. There were
men, women and children of all ages aboard the seven separate passenger trains
boarded in Hazleton around 6:30 pm. The
special orders from the L.V.R.R. included the spacing of the trains at ten
minute intervals. This interval was
considered more than sufficient since five minute intervals was standard
practice.
The company also took the precaution of posting all
the special orders associated with this huge undertaking and had all involved
employees sign that they read them after they had been “studied for several
days,” having been posted on all the bulletin boards.
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Verbal instructions were also given to the engineers
to “be careful.” It would appear
legally, the Valley Railroad did everything in its power to avoid the
unthinkable. But in the final analysis
lack of sleep and over work seemed to play the most significant role.
All the special orders, signatures, and ten minute
intervals were for naught. The
unthinkable indeed happened, killing at least sixty-four.
The victims were members of the Father Mathew
Society. Many were Irish Catholic coal
miners relatively new to this country.
It was reported that there were seventy-eight car loads of people, of
over 5,500 loaded onto the eight different trains, which would be about seventy
people per car.
The ill-fated sixth train was stopped at the Mud Run
Station because the lights signaled that they were too close to the fifth train
running ahead of it. The rear of the
sixth train was parked at the edge of a curve.
Brakeman James Hanighan later testified that the
train stopped “a short distance above the station” at Mud Run. He said he immediately took a red and a white
light “as far back as the depot.”
The Mud Run as it flows into the Lehigh today beneath the Valley bridge still in use today. |
He went on to say he signaled with his red light and
was on the platform when the last train went past him “at a lively rate.” He estimated the speed to be twenty-five
miles per hour, nearly twice the speed sworn by one of the engineers, Henry
Cook.
This said train, the seventh, was pulled by Engine #466
(Engineer James Sharkey) and assisted by Engine #452 (Engineer Henry Cook
assisted by his fireman Hugh Gallagher).
According to rail officials of the Valley, it is
alleged that lookouts aboard the #452 should have seen the flagmen and yielded
to the red signal light. However, it was
the crew of the #466, not the #452, who had control of the air brake
system.
Engineer Cook’s testimony was at odds with Hanighan’s. First, he estimated his train’s speed at
“twelve to fourteen” miles per hour.
Other expert testimony supported this to be a safe speed under the
circumstances.
Cook also said that he was alert, leaning out the
right side of the cab and slowed to ten miles per hour when he approached the
platform at Mud Run. At this point, he
noticed the “violent swinging of a white light.”
“I immediately whistled down brakes,” he said. However, the engine behind him, the #466, had
“charge of the train” and had the control over the air brakes.
Other witnesses said Cook had been on duty for
several days “with but little sleep.”
Cook claimed to be still “fresh and wide awake.”
Thomas Major of East Mauch Chunk had never run a
passenger train before. He thought one engine
was enough to pull the train, and besides, had they had just one, the engineer
would have had a better view.
Major also said he had been on duty since Monday
night at nine o’clock (a near twenty-four hours) with but six hours of
rest. Despite this, he said he “did not
feel sleepy.”
Fireman Joseph Pohl testified from his hospital bed
in Bethlehem, where he was recovering from leg injuries sustained in the
accident. He had been on duty since five
o’clock that morning, a more than twelve hour shift. He said he saw the white target and told the
engineer everything was alright.
He just then momentarily rested his head in his
hands when the next thing he knew, he heard the “whistle for down brakes.” He saw the engineer’s hand go to the lever,
but had no recollection as to whether he was able to turn it or not.
Engineer Cook’s main defense was that he never saw
or heard any danger signal, “when such should have been exposed.” He also asserted, and no one disagreed, that
there were no “torpedoes” deployed onto the tracks.
(Torpedoes are small explosives/metal encased
fireworks that detonate when a train approaches a disabled train. See the accidental death received by a young woman from a prank torpedo left on a trolley track in Mauch Chunk – click here.)
Henry Cook alleged that no flagman or light was
placed east, or below, the Mud Run Station.
Other witnesses alleged brakeman Hanighan was inside the station and not
on the platform as he claimed to be.
The crash according to one survivor of the seventh
train occurred at 7:45 pm.
Even at such a low speed as twelve miles per hour,
the force of the impact was deadly. The
rear three cars of the sixth train were telescoped together, mangling and
trapping people in a mass of flesh, blood, iron and steam.
Besides those killed outright, others were scattered
about and pinned under the engines. The
trapped and wounded “could put their heads out of the windows but could get no
further, as their lower limbs were held in the wreckage like a vice.”
On the scene was James J. McGinty who was the
recorder of deeds in Luzerne County. He
estimated the speed of the train at fifteen miles an hour. He said, “I have read thrilling accounts of
railroad disasters, but never pictured in my mind anything like this.”
He went on to say, “The injured would say, “Oh, lift
that iron and take me out; for God’s sake help me.” Another would say, “My leg is fast, cut off
my leg; get an axe and cut it off.”
Every few minutes another of the poor victims would die. Some were scalded by escaping steam, some
were crushed to death, and some dying slowly of their awful injuries.”
Directly beneath Engine #452 lay four young boys,
mangled and severely burned. They were
members of the “Father Mathew Cadet Society” and were so ravaged that they were
barely recognizable as human forms.
Some of these survivors, pinned in contorted
positions, suffered fatal scalding burns from the escaping steam of the
engines. A man known only as “McGinty,”
“risked all danger,” got inside the wrecked engine and “pulled out the fire.”
In the hope to free those trapped, a trainman
attached a locomotive to the rear of the merged telescoped cars and engine, and tried to pull them
apart. The first tug brought “such cries
of distress that the surrounding friends ordered the engineer to desist on pain
of his life.”
One group attending the parade was known as the "St.
Francis Pioneer Society." One of the
trademarks of their attire is to carry broad axes. In the mayhem that ensued after the wreck,
many sprung to action to help the suffering and dislodge the entangled. The Pioneers soon discovered their largely
decorative axes were of little use, breaking apart in demolition work.
Friends and relatives in most cases could do nothing
to help in the agony of their trapped loved ones.
John Lynch was hanging outside the car, his legs
trapped inside. He screamed in such
agony his friends supported his weight on their backs to help alleviate his
suffering. He was burned about his arms
and shoulders and was in serious condition.
Another woman was also pinned by her legs. The men with axes were able to free her one
leg, but a misdirected swing severed her other leg from her body. She calmly accepted her fate, withdrew a gold
watch from her pocket, and directed those attending her to give it to her
friend back home. Her friends
accompanied her to a hospital car where it was said she died en route home.
Some of the papers seemed happy to report that “many
temperance pledges were quickly forgotten” as the survivors boarded trains away
from the disaster.
Within thirty minutes, a train with the Valley superintendent
and physicians was dispatched from Bethlehem.
Bonfires were built to give light to the rescue efforts.
Though quite remote, there were a few homes
in the area. Soon these homes were lit up and converted into temporary
shelter for the wounded who could be gathered there.
At 6:30 the following evening, “a funeral train
arrived in Wilkes-Barre bearing fifty-seven bodies partially prepared for
burial.” The bodies were lain “upon
boards across the backs of seats, each covered with a white cloth.”
Frantic friends boarded the cars despite officials
asking for them to show some restraint.
They began tearing off the sheets in search of their loved ones,
revealing the “gay uniforms of the St Aloysius’s men, cadets and other members
of societies.”
Two special trains carried the wounded to hospitals
at Bethlehem and Wilkes-Barre. Forty
doctors were said to be on the ground at daybreak.
The initial reports had the death toll ranging from
the upper fifty’s to the low sixty’s. An
article in the following day’s Philadelphia paper recorded from a dispatch from
Easton that fifty-six were killed outright and another forty injured could
die.
A Wilkes-Barre paper reported on the following day
of forty-six dead names and also stated that there were still ten unidentified
bodies. It went on to say that two of the
victims died overnight in the hospital with “six or eight more” expected to
die.
On October 12, a New York Times reprint of a
Scranton newspaper listed the dead and wounded.
There were seventy names listed under the killed column. Of the wounded, several there were listed as
“serious” and others listed as “will die.” The
small town of Pleasant Valley (today’s Avoca) had thirty-one names alone.
Reporters of the 1880s were perhaps more impetuously
aggressive than one could imagine. One
reporter was able to track down engineer Henry Cook as he tried to sleep in his
bed in Wilkes-Barre on the very night of the wreck. The reporter noted
with plain unspoken disdain of his only injury being “a bruised ankle.”
Despite his reluctance to talk, the reporter
assailed Cook with provocative questions such as: “Were you asleep?...Were you
drunk?...Rumor has set out some ugly stories about you.”
The New York Times of October 12, 1888 published Cook’s
reply to his thoughts on the enormity of the accident. They wrote, “Yes,” Cook said with a groan,
“and I suppose the blame will be fixed on someone, and railroad companies don’t
usually take such blame themselves.”
The alleged transcript between Engineer Cook and the reporter on the night of the accident. |
The coroner’s jury investigation cited the engineers
of both the #452 and the #466 for negligence. Also, the brakeman of the sixth train was cited for
only going 400 feet instead of the proper distance of one half mile. They also found fault with the conductors of
the sixth train for not personally seeing to it that the brakemen protected the
rear of their train.
A later trial acquitted all the defendants.
Some debate
was held over the use of the Jersey Central cars which according to one person
interviewed then said that if Valley cars had been used, there wouldn’t have
been as much loss of life. The Valley
cars were said to be of a sturdier construction. The cars were on loan to the Valley due to
the large number of excursionists signed up for the annual parade.
The Lehigh Valley Railroad took the lead in the
court of public opinion by posting what they felt was a fair monetary
settlement number in the papers. Mr.
William Connell, a coal operator was appointed by the L.V. R. R. as an
impartial administrator for victim’s claims.
He was said to “not have interest in the Lehigh Valley Company.”
“He finds that nearly all the claimants want $5,000
each. The company desires to avoid
litigation, and is anxious for an amicable settlement…the general feeling is
averse to going to law in case there can be a reasonable settlement outside the
courts.”
It seemed like all the papers at once began to throw
around the same numbers: $5,000 per adult and $1,000 per child killed. A meeting of the St. Aloysius Society held a
meeting of over 500 people in Scranton and passed a resolution authorizing Rev.
Father Crave of Pleasant Valley (Avoca) to draw upon them for $500 or $1,000 to
be at his disposal to help in cases of need for the “sufferers” of the Pleasant
Valley parishioners.
March
11, 1889 – Monday - One Last Mud Run Death –
The coroner’s jury inquest trial was conducted over
three days in late October of 1888. But
other civil cases related to the trial were on-going into March of 1889. Many witnesses, defendants, and concerned
family members of the sixty-odd victims were flocking to town on both foot and
rail.
One man named Ottoman Schmidt had been in town and was walking the track home when he was struck and instantly killed at the Mud Run Station. The paper reported that there were a “number of cases similar to that of Schmidts” at this terribly famous spot.
One man named Ottoman Schmidt had been in town and was walking the track home when he was struck and instantly killed at the Mud Run Station. The paper reported that there were a “number of cases similar to that of Schmidts” at this terribly famous spot.
One article describing the Mud Run Disaster from October 27, 1888. |
Also buried at St. Mary's is 15-year-old Patrick Curran. Also killed was Annie Curran of Minooka |
John Coleman rests in Avoca's St. Mary's Cemetery, a vicitim of the Mud Run Disaster. Also killed were Michael and Patrick Coleman. He was 40 years old at the time. |
A native of Castle-Connor, County Silco Ireland was Owen Kilcullen thirty-five, vicitm of the Mud Run Disaster. |
Crazy...
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